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Hello. It’s Friday. We’ll look at what lawmakers can do now that the Supreme Court has struck down New York’s concealed carry gun law. We’ll also see how changing demographics are reflected in a Manhattan home race.

Procedurally, the Supreme Court’s decision striking down New York’s concealed firearms law sent the case back to lower courts. Effectively, the ruling sent the issue of gun control and gun violence back to lawmakers in Albany, where Governor Kathy Hochul called the decision “shocking, absolutely shocking.”

She was about to sign a school safety bill when the Supreme Court’s decision was announced and became visibly angry as she described the 6-to-3 decision, which was based on a broad interpretation of the Second Amendment that could make the toughest job for states to restrict guns. Hochul said she would call the Legislature back to Albany for a special session, likely next month, and aides had already prepared a bill with new restrictions.

She also said the state is considering changing the licensing process to create basic qualifications for gun owners, including training requirements. And she said New York is considering a system where businesses and private owners can set their own gun restrictions.

In New York, Mayor Eric Adams said the decision was “just not rooted in reality” and “made all of us less safe from gun violence.”

“There is no place in the country that this decision affects as much as New York,” he said.

But the question of the day was what the Albany legislature could do.

“The hardest thing for the legislature is to calmly draft legislation that won’t please everyone,” said Paul Finkelman, chancellor and a distinguished professor at Gratz College in Philadelphia, who tracks the New York legislature. “This is not going to please everyone who says we have to get rid of guns. That’s not where the world lives today.

He suggested setting an age threshold for gun licenses, much like driver’s licenses, and taxing firearms, much like gasoline or cigarettes.

Vincent Bonventre, a professor at Albany Law School, said the legislature could restrict gun ownership by categories, putting firearms out of reach for convicted felons or those convicted of crimes involving violence, for example. example. “We will have to think” to develop restrictions that would pass the mark, “but not that much,” he said.

Jonathan Lowy, chief attorney for the Brady gun control group, argued that letting more people carry concealed handguns would mean more violent crime – “in other words, more Americans will die “, he wrote in the New York University Law Review last year. On Thursday, the group estimated that more than 28,000 people had died from gun violence since the case was argued in court on November 3 last year.

Among those shot was 21-year-old Zaire Goodman, who survived the May 14 supermarket massacre in Buffalo, New York. On Thursday, his mother, Zeneta Everhart, said she feared the Supreme Court ruling could contribute to more gun violence.

“What else needs to happen before this country wakes up and realizes that the people of this country don’t feel safe?” she asked. “The government, the courts, the legislators – they are there to protect us, and I don’t feel protected.”


Time

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As recently as the 1990s, about half of the lawmakers New York voters sent to the House of Representatives were Jewish. There is now one, Rep. Jerrold Nadler, and he is fighting for his political survival because his district has been combined with parts of Rep. Carolyn Maloney on the Upper East Side. She is running against him in the August 23 primary. (It’s the right date. The congressional primaries are not taking place next Tuesday along with the statewide primaries for governor and lieutenant governor. A federal judge has ordered that the primaries for the House to be delayed after the reshuffling of congressional districts.)

New York has long been the center of Jewish political power in the United States. As recently as the 1990s, Jewish lawmakers made up about half of New York’s delegation to the House of Representatives. What changed?

It’s a complicated story, but a lot of it comes down to demographic change. New York’s Jewish population peaked in the 1950s, when one in four New Yorkers was Jewish. Today, there are about half as many Jewish residents in the city, and they tend to vote less consistently than before. The exceptions are the growing ultra-Orthodox communities, primarily in Brooklyn.

Redistricting over the years has really reinforced this pattern.

At the same time, Black, Latino and Asian New Yorkers have gained seats at the table they historically haven’t had. So while in the early 1990s eight members of the New York City House were Jewish, today nine of the 13 members representing city neighborhoods are black or Latino, and one is Asian American. .

How has redistricting helped Nadler in the past, and what happened this time around?

The current neighborhood of Nadler was thus designed. Mapmakers of the past intentionally assembled Jewish communities on Manhattan’s west side with growing Orthodox communities in Brooklyn’s Borough Park, sometimes going to great lengths to connect them.

But this year, a court-appointed cartographer severed the link. The cartographer, it seems, was not persuaded that the communities shared enough interests to stay connected in such a geographically counterintuitive way.

What about Nadler’s opponent in the primary, Rep. Carolyn Maloney. She’s a Presbyterian running in what’s believed to be the most Jewish neighborhood in the country.

Maloney is in fierce competition for the Jewish vote. She accumulates mentions. During the election campaign, she touts a bill she passed on Holocaust education and her opposition to President Obama’s Iran nuclear deal, which the Israeli government has vehemently opposed to the time. (Nadler backed the deal.)

What about pro-Israel political groups? Which do they support, Nadler or Maloney?

So far, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which has been quite active in the Democratic primaries this year, remains neutral, or actually supports both candidates. J Street, the pro-Israel lobby that tries to be a liberal counterweight to AIPAC, is raising money for Nadler.


METROPOLITAN Newspaper

Dear Diary:

It was 1950. My grandmother would pick me up after school on Seventh Street near Avenue B and take me out for ice cream and a pretzel or some other treat.

That day she said we were going to Second Avenue Griddle, my favorite place for jelly beignets. They were covered in crunchy sugar. You could bite into it anywhere, and real raspberry jam would ooze onto your fingers.

I could barely contain my excitement as we walked the long three blocks to Second Avenue. We walked into the store and the clerk handed me a donut in waxed paper. I bit into it and immediately got jelly all over my face. I was in donut heaven.

The foreman motioned for me to come behind the counter. He showed a tray of freshly baked donuts and handed me a clean white apron that hung around my ankles. Then he handed me a donut in waxed paper and showed me how to slide it over the jelly maker nozzle.

With my free hand, I had to slowly push the handle of the machine down so that the jelly flowed into the donut without squirting out the other side. I became quite proficient at getting things done, and soon all the donuts were filled.

I washed my hands and returned the apron when I was done. My grandmother and I came home.

“Your Uncle Lenny must love you very much,” she said as we walked. “If the store owner had come in, he would have been in a lot of trouble.”

—Sandy Snyder

Illustrated by Agnes Lee. Submit your submissions here and read more Metropolitan Diary here.


Glad we can meet here. See you Monday. —JB

PS Here is today’s one Mini-crosswords and spelling bee. You can find all our puzzles here.

Melissa GuerreroAshley Shannon Wu and Ed Shanahan contributed to New York Today. You can reach the team at nytoday@nytimes.com.

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